The
passing of Justice Scalia of course affects the cases now before the
Court. Votes that the Justice cast in cases that have not been publicly
decided are void. Of course, if Justice Scalia’s vote was not necessary
to the outcome – for example, if he was in the dissent or if the majority
included more than five Justices – then the case will still be decided, only by
an eight-member Court.
If
Justice Scalia was part of a five-Justice majority in a case – for example, the Friedrichs case, in which the Court was expected
to limit mandatory union contributions – the Court is now divided four to
four. In those cases, there is no majority for a decision and the lower
court’s ruling stands, as if the Supreme Court had never heard the case.
Because it is very unlikely that a replacement will be appointed this Term, we
should expect to see a number of such cases in which the lower court’s decision
is “affirmed by an equally divided Court.”
The most
immediate and important implications involve that union case. A
conservative ruling in that case is now unlikely to issue.
Other significant cases in which the Court may now be equally divided include Evenwel v. Abbott (on the meaning of the “one person,
one vote” guarantee), the cases challenging the accommodation for religious
organizations under the Affordable Care Act’s contraceptive mandate, and the
challenge to the Obama administration’s immigration policy.
The Court is also of course
hearing a significant abortion case, involving multiple restrictions adopted by
Texas. In my estimation, the Court was likely to strike those provisions
down. If so, the Court would still rule – deciding the case with eight
Justices.
Conversely, the Court was likely
to limit affirmative action in public higher education in the Fisher case.
But because only three of the liberal Justices are participating
(Justice Kagan is recused), conservatives would retain a narrow majority.
There is also recent precedent
for the Court to attempt to avoid issuing a number of equally divided
rulings. In Chief Justice Roberts’s first Term, the Court in similar
circumstances decided a number of significant cases by instead issuing
relatively unimportant, often procedural decisions. It is unclear if the
Justices will take the same approach in any of this Term’s major, closely
divided cases.
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